Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Merger or Accession ?


By B L Saraf
Omar Abdullah’s speech in the Legislative Assembly, made few days back, has created a controversy. At this juncture, he could have done well without it. He has said that Kashmir has only acceded to and not merged with India. We don’t know what crossed his mind when he made the distinction, whereas materially there is none. He made another point that it makes no sense in repeatedly saying, “Kashmir is an integral part of India” because no one says so about any other State of India . The knowledgeable tell us that this is beleaguered C M’s attempt to regain some of the lost political ground in the Valley. Merger or Accession -the fact is that relationship of Kashmir with India is, admittedly, of a unique nature brought about in unique circumstances. Omar’s speech should make us look afresh on the circumstances preceding and surrounding the fact of the union of Kashmir with India.
Traveling some distance with the Muslim Conference ,Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah came to realize that his struggle against the autocratic rule of Maharaja would not be all inclusive and purposeful unless every section of the J&K population was taken on board .His interaction with the nationalist leadership of British India , in Lahore, comprising Jawaharlal Nehru ,Dr Saifudin Kichloo and Abdul Gaffar Khan, enlarged his vision about the political need of the hour .Writing in his autobiography Aatishe Chinar about his meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru and other nationalist leaders Sheikh Abdullah says , “Soon after meeting the nationalist leaders I felt the deliverance of the Kashmiris lies in coming out of the narrow confines and aligning with the national mainstream ….”( P,.210) . He further writes that in order to garner support of the Indian Nationalist forces it was imperative to change the name and Constitution of Muslim Conference. Sheikh Abdullah found a good deal of commonality between the Indian Nationalists, who were fighting the British rule, and his struggle against the autocratic Maharaja. Accordingly ,on 28th June, 1938, the Working Committee of the Muslim Conference , on his resolution , changed the name of the Muslim Conference to ‘ National Conference ‘, with a view to enable the Hindus and Sikhs to join the struggle against the autocratic rule .Therefore, the bedrock of Indo- Kashmir association is the vision that developed during the freedom struggles of the two .It was of a socio -political set-up which would provide for a safe, tolerant and egalitarian space to every section of the populace, and respect their religious beliefs . It, thus, became an idea central to the both. Only history will tell whether this association did strengthen the shared values or become a festering sore–a flashpoint for the bloody wars in the subcontinent. Did the parties hold on to the promises made?
Kashmir’s association with India was on some conditions. The Maharaja, while acceding to India had, in terms of Clauses 7 & 8 of the Instrument of Accession, reserved a right not to commit himself to accept Constitution of India in toto or fetter his discretion to enter into arrangement with Govt. of India, and his sovereignty would continue as provided under this Instrument. This was indicative of a special position Kashmir would have within the Indian Union. Delhi Agreement of 1952 reiterated this position and Article 2 of the Constitution of India permitted it. At the time of accession J & K was governed by the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution Act of 1939, with Delhi’s jurisdiction extending only to External Affairs, Defence and Communication. The Maharaja wanted the continuation of the Act while the popular leaders differed. The Constituent Assembly was made aware that the State’s association with India would be on terms of accession , acknowledging this special position and the problems with which the government of J&K was, then, faced. Constituent Assembly adopted Article 306A which became Article 370 in the final Constitution. Thus a special provision for constitutional relationship of the State with the Union came into the existence. The geographic position, difference in the religions of the Ruler and the Ruled and the demographic character of the State dictated the course .Apart from that popular support was needed for the accession which came through Sheikh Abdullah. For some the conditions around the accession are for India and Kashmir to settle. Others see international dimension to it and think that fulfillment of the conditions is a sine quo non for Kashmir’s association with India to survive. This is a big subject in itself. Much can be said on both sides .Let us leave it for other time and the place to deliberate upon.
India is a union of States. The Indian Society is multi – cultural and multi- lingual. The language and ethnicity are the broad parameters on which the States, within the Indian Union, came to be reorganized .The Constitution of India is federal in nature where the States can exercise legislative and executive powers independent of Union Government, subject, however, to some limitations. Jammu & Kashmir is a constituent unit of Union of India as described in Article 1 of Constitution of India and Section 3 of Constitution of J&K . We must remember that all the Princely States that acceded to India or Pakistan signed the instruments of accession before joining either dominion .However, most of the Princely States got merged with the British India Provinces following the reorganisation of the States , post accession . Nearer home , Patiala and Kapoorthala ; Jaipur and Alwar in Rajasthan are the examples . The State of J&K retained its geographical boundaries as distinct identity , except those occupied by Pakistan . While acceding to India, it did not merge itself with any pre- existing Province in British India. The State retained its distinct identity as a separate entity , with a separate Constitution and flag .In any case the relationship of Kashmir with India is indestructible . There is no need to sharpen the edge of competitive politics by quibbling over the meaning of words “Accession”, “Merger” or “Union” One cannot be sure whether Omar Abdullah had this in mind when he made the speech because most people don’t credit him with the knowledge of turbulent Kashmir. But when seen in the aforementioned background his statement in the Assembly, to this extent, is a narration of the fact. Regarding his other part of the speech that there should be no repeating of , ” Kashmir is an integral part of India” he must go through Sec 3 of the State Constitution , which boldly mentions this fact . Mr CM, there is no separate constitution for any other State in the country.
The young CM would do well to recall what his illustrious grandfather told the Press in Delhi in Sept 1948., “We have burnt our boats. There is no place in Kashmir for a theocratic state. Kashmir will never make a plaything of India’s honour.” (Source – Kashmir: Behind the Vale-M.J Akbar). Omar Abdullah must realize that a word said in prevailing surcharged atmosphere may cause more harm than the intended good. Yes, Kashmir’s relationship with India needs to be reassessed and some promises made redeemed. But broad parameters of the values that, initially, defined the relationship must remain same.
(The author is former Principle Distt & Sessions Judge)

Legality of J&K’s Accession to India and Omar Abdullah’s separatist campaign

Mahesh Kaul


In 1947 when J&K acceded to India Maharaja Hari Singh signed the same standard form of the Instrument of Accession which was signed by the other princely states to accede to the Indian union.

“The accession of the state to India was not subject to any exceptions or pre-condition to provide for any separate and special constitutional arrangements for the state. Neither Jawahar Lal Nehru, nor Vallabhai Patel gave any assurances to Hari Singh or the National Conference leaders that J&K would be accorded a separate and independent political organization on the basis of the Muslim Majority character of its population.”
The partition plan that created the dominions of India and Pakistan in 1947 did not apply to the princely states. At the time of partition, the partition plan was applied to the British India out of which the two states of India and Pakistan were created.When the British left India there were two entities that is the British India and the princely states, with the British exit paramountcy expired and the princely states were left with two options that is either accession to India or Pakistan and there was no third option for the so called independence.
Moreover,as per that process of transfer of power and the partition plan, “the right to sovereignty lied with the ruler who had the legal and constitutional right to sign the instrument of accession. The partition of India left the states out its scope and the transfer of power accepted the lapse of the Paramountcy: the imperial authority the British exercised over the States. The accession of the states to India was the culmination of a historical process which symbolized the unity of the people in the British India and the Indian States”. Thus, the accession of J&K to India is complete. The above stated fact and reality has been made abundantly clear by the eminent political scientist Prof. M.K. Teng in his well researched book -Kashmir: the Myth of Autonomy.
The statement given by the chief Minister Omar Abdullah on the floor of state legislative assembly was open treason and sedition. This statement should not be seen in isolation as there seems to be international conspiracy to dismantle the northern frontiers of the Indian nation in J&K. The fuel to this fire is being provided by the Indian political class who have created a perverse discourse to establish J&K as a separate sphere of Muslim power with a view that J&K can be kept in the Indian union only when concessions are given to the Muslim separatism in J&K.
The same situation is being created as had emerged during the 1940′s when the partition politics of Muslim league was given credence and acceptance by the Indian political leadership and then ultimately, it was accepted by the British which lead to the partition of India.
If the national discourse is not set in the right direction then the day is not far when the second partition of the nation will be round the corner. Various forces are acting at the international level in tandem with the separatists of Kashmir and certain bigwigs of the Indian political establishment to exclude J&K from the Indian union. It is a known fact and a historical reality that those who control the Himalayas will hold sway over the Asia. Himalaya is the natural frontier of India. So to weaken or dismember India, the key lies in the control of the Himalayas. USA, China and Pakistan understand this well and that is why comprehensive thrust is being laid to exclude India from the Himalayas by unhinging J&K from the Indian. Re -emergence of General Parvez Musharaaf, Indian Visit of US president Barrack Hussain Obama in November is part of the US exit strategy from AfPak region in 2011, wherein he has a hidden agenda to dislodge India from J&K so that withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan & Pakistan is made possible by diluting Indian sovereignty over J&K and giving concrete concessions to Pakistan in Kashmir. This is a clear strategy to establish Muslim sphere of influence in J&K.
So Omar Abdullah’s statement should not be seen in isolation. He is hob nobbing with the foreign powers to declare J&K as Muslim sphere of power as was done by his grandfather Sheikh Abdullah when he was in touch with Adlai Stevenson for creating independent Kashmir.
Omar Abdullah needs to be tried for treason and solution to all the miseries of the minorities lies in the political reorganization of the J&K state.
That is the creation of homeland for the Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir,Jammu state,Union territory for Ladakh and the all time settlement of POK refugees and the west Pakistan refugees.
(writer is a PhD scholar at the School for Hospitalty and Tourism Management {SHTM}, University of Jammu, President, Sangarsh and Chairman, Heritage Initiative Foundation.)

Issue of accession : 18 questions for CM Omar Abdullah


Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, who has miserable failed as an administrator and brought the state to such a sorry pass, has generated heat in the state and the rest of the country by raking up the settled issue of accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India. He has reportedly alarmed the Prime Minister and the Home Minister and he has put the Congress party on the mat and created an awkward situation for it. He has given a handle to his opponents and integrationists to beat him from right and left and question his credentials. So much so, they have dubbed him as “anti-national” and demanded his dismissal and arrest. He has sought to divert the people’s attentions away from the real issues facing them by taking recourse to falsehood and politics of emotional blackmail and deceit.
The Chief Minister, who has lost his way and become thoroughly unpopular because of his own acts of omission and commission, inefficiency, recklessness and failure on each and every front, has sought to convey an impression in the restive Kashmir Valley that the political status of Jammu and Kashmir has yet to be determined, that the state acceded to India under an agreement, that it is New Delhi that has broken the agreement and that the ongoing unrest in the Kashmir Valley is because New Delhi has broken the agreement unilaterally. All white-lie. There is no substance in what the Chief Minister said on October 6 on the floor of the assembly. It’s all politically motivated. It’s all communally motivated. In fact, it is a desperate act of a desperate and comprehensively defeated and thoroughly isolated person to conceal his failures and put the innocent people on the warpath.
The statement the Chief Minister made needs to be contested. He needs to be asked simple and straight questions so that the National Conference is exposed in the eyes of the people and those in New Delhi who have been giving the Chief Minister moral and political support for reasons best known to them.
Here are 18 questions. The Chief Minister or any of the National Conference ideologues must answer these questions so that things are put in perspective and the people of the state in general and those of Kashmir in particular know the real story of the National Conference’s politics of opportunism, political debauchery and brinkmanship. Any failure on the part of the Chief Minister or any of his ideologues/political advisor to answer these questions would be construed as a vindication of the stand of those who have come to believe that it is the National Conference that is the root cause of all the problems confronting the people of the state as well as the Indian nation and that the Chief Minister has committed a serious mistake by raking up the settled issue of accession.
1. What was the locus standi of the National Conference at the time of accession? Is it not a fact that Sheikh Abdullah secured his release in September 1947 after tendering an unconditional apology to Maharaja Hari Singh?
2. Was the National Conference entitled to play any role whatever as far the issue of accession of the state to the Indian Dominion was concerned?
3. Who was to sign the Instrument of Accession and under which Act? Was it the Maharaja or the National Conference?
4. Where is the signed copy of the “agreement” the Chief Minister talked about on October 6 under which the state acceded to India?
5. Was the Instrument of Accession, signed by Maharaja Hari Singh, in any way different from the ones signed by the princes of other 660-odd princely states? If yes, what was the difference?
6. Who had prepared the Instrument of Accession document? Was it the princes of the respective princely states or was it a document prepared by the State Department (Read Home Department) of the Dominion Government?
7. Which of the princely states signed the Instrument of Merger? Was it the bigger states like Baroda, Travancore, Mysore or so on or the hill states such as in what we today call Himachal Pradesh, which were merged with Maha Punjab?
8. What was the Instrument of Attachment?
9. Where is the signed copy of the so-called Delhi Agreement of 1952 the National Conference consistently talks about? Is it not a fact that Abdul Rahim Rather in the presence of Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah and all of his Cabinet colleagues and National Conference MLAs and MLCs publicly acknowledged in Srinagar in the late 90s that there existed nothing like the signed Delhi Agreement and that it was a mere statement?
10. Is it not a fact that Sheikh Abdullah, who had come back to power in 1975 under the 1975 accord, appointed a three-member cabinet sub-committee to look into the whole gamut of the Central laws and institutions extended to the state after August 9, 1953 and recommend withdrawal of such laws as were deemed injurious to the state’s special status?
11. How many reports the said cabinet sub-committee produced? Or, is it not a fact that the said committee had produced two reports, one was from D D Thakur, which recommended that the needles of the clock could not be turned back and that the Central laws had benefited the state and its people, and the other was from G M Shah, the Sheikh’s son-in-law, and Ghulam Nabi Kochak, which had recommended wholesale withdrawal of the Central laws on the ground that they had eroded the state’s internal autonomy?
12. Is it not a fact that Sheikh Abdullah accepted the Thakur report in its entirety and rejected outright the recommendations of Shah and Kochak?
13. Is it not a fact that the members of the State Autonomy Committee deliberately chose not to refer to the 1975 accord in its report? Why did they do so?
14. Is it not a fact that the members of the State Autonomy Committee suppressed the fact that Sheikh Abdullah had appointed a three-member cabinet sub-committee to look into the whole issue of Central laws and institutions? Why did they do so? Why did they keep the people and the Government of India in the dark?
15. Is it not a fact that 18 more Central laws, including POTA, were introduced in the state between 1977 and 1990, when the National Conference was in power for most of the period? Did the Government of India force Sheikh Abdullah and Farooq Abdullah to adopt these Central laws? If yes, why didn’t they resign? Why didn’t they protest?
16. Is it not a fact that it was the National Conference Government that ratified the 1990 ordinance in 1996 adopting the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which had been extended to the state when Mufti Mohammad Sayeed was the Home Minister of India? Why did Farooq Abdullah government do so?
17. Can the Chief Minister refer to a single Central law that was imposed on the state against the state’s will or without the “concurrence” of the state government?
18. Is it not a fact that the recently-announced 8-point package is nothing but the transfer of even those powers to New Delhi that are the sole preserve of the state government? Which autonomy and which agreement the Chief Minister is talking about? The only thing that doesn’t come under the purview of the state government is the suggestion regarding the appointment of interlocutors.
The Chief Minister must answer these simple questions. He just cannot mislead the people and suppress facts and murder history. But more than that, it is for the people of Kashmir to ask Omar Abdullah to answer these questions. They must remember that it is the Abdullah dynasty that has consistently played a foul game to enjoy the loaves and fishes of office. If they want to lead a life o dignity, they have no other option but to expose the misdeeds of those who have been preaching falsehood for the sake of personal power and profit.
(J K Study Center)

Friday, July 15, 2011

Acceptance of Instrument of Accession

Acceptance of Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir State

Legal Document No 114
I do hereby accept this Instrument of Accession. Dated this twenty seventh day of October, nineteen hundred and forty seven.
Mountbatten of Burma
Governor General of India.

Princely State of J&K Accedes to Indian Dominion.

The text of Instrument of Accession executed by Maharaja Hari Singh was the same as was signed by other rulers of the princely States. Similarly, the acceptance of the Instrument of Accession by the Governor General was also identical in respect of all such instruments. He was to write, “I do hereby accept the Instrument of Accession.” It could not be conditional as a  mere acceptance by the Governor General was complete and final.{ Indian Independence Act, 1947, provided that as from the fifteenth day of August, 1947, there shall be set up an independent Dominion known as INDIA, and that the Government of India Act, 1935, shall with such omissions, additions, adaptations and modifications as the Governor-General may by order specify, be applicable to the Dominion of India; The Act further provided that  the Government of India Act, 1935, as so adapted by the Governor-General provided that an Indian State may accede to the Dominion of India by an Instrument of Accession executed by the Ruler thereof }

A close  look at the Instrument Accession that Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu & Kashmir  signed on 26 October 1947 and as was accepted by Governor General of India , Lord Mountbatten of Burma, on behalf of Government of Indian Dominion on 27th October 1947 would  reveal that very vital questions remain still unanswered as regards the manner in which  Government of India  disposed of the Instrument of accession as was sent by Maharaja Hari Singh through Mr. V. P. Menon. ( a Secretary in States Ministry GOI ) .The questions  should agitate  the reasoning minds  for a better understanding  so that a widely acceptable  thought  could be made to emerge to settle the confusions as created over the years in the innocent minds of subjects of Jammu & Kashmir in general and those from Kashmir Valley in particular.
I would refer to some specific portions of the Instrument of Accession of J&K with India that was signed by Maharaja  Hari Singh of Jammu & Kashmir on 26 Oct 1947. The instrument said :  I quote contents of the Instrument of Accession  where it says that  :
“   Where as the Indian Independence Act , 1947, provides  that as from the fifteenth day of August 1947 there shall be set up an Independent Dominion known as India, and that the Government of India Act of 1935 , shall,  with such omissions , additions, adaptations and modifications as the Governor – General may by  order  specify be applicable to the Dominion of India. And where as  the Government  of India Act’1935, as so adapted  by the Governor General, provides that an Indian State may accede  to Dominion of India by an Instrument of Accession executed by the Ruler thereof : Now therefore, I, Shriman Indar  Mahandar Rajrajeshwar Maharajadiraj Shri Hari Singhji, Jammu and Kashmir  Naresh Tatha Tibbet adi Deshadhipati, Ruler of Jammu & Kashmir State in the exercise of my sovereignty in and over my said State do hereby execute  this my Instrument of Accession and ……3… I accept the matters specified in the schedule thereto as the matters  with respect to which the  Dominion Legislature can make  laws for this State….5.. The terms of this my Instrument of Accession shall not be varied  by any amendment of the Act or of the Indian Independence Act ,1947 , unless such amendment is accepted by me , an Instrument supplementary to this Instrument… 8.… I hereby declare that I execute this Instrument on behalf of this State and that any reference  in this Instrument  to me or to the Ruler  of the State is to be construed as including  a reference  to my heirs and successors” need to be observed for the purpose. . And Lord Mounbatten of Burma, the then Governor General of India  signed the acceptance on 27 October 1947 as ……… “ I do hereby accept this Instrument of Accession dated this 27th day of October , nineteen hundred and forty seven”.
Hari Singh’s letter dated 26 Oct 1947 :
The Instrument of Accession signed by Maharaja was covered with a letter of circumstances & reasons and so was the acceptance of the Instrument of accession .Maharaja Hari Singh did try to explain some reasons in his letter dated 26 October 1947 addressed to Mountbatten  Governor General of India ( GGOI ) for not signing the Instrument of Accession with either Dominion by 14-08-1947.   No doubt Maharaja of J&K  as per the Indian Independence Act1947  read with  Government of India Act 1935 was  the only authority to take a decision regarding  a State of British Empire that was  outside British India   and make any observations on the circumstances as prevailed around him while taking a decision regarding accession to any of the dominion or otherwise relationships.
Maharaja in his letter said, I quote a;“ I have to inform your Excellency that a grave emergency has arisen in my State and request the  immediate assistance  of your Government. As your Excellency is aware , the State of Jammu & Kashmir  has not acceded  to either of the Dominion of India or Pakistan. Geographically my State is contiguous with both of them. Besides, my State has a common boundary with Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and with China. In their external relations  the Dominions of India and Pakistan can not ignore this fact .” The Maharaja further said, “ I wanted to take time to decide to which Dominion I should accede or whether it is not in the best interests of both the dominions  and of State to stand Independent, ofcourse  with friendly  and cordial relations  with both……The mass infiltration of tribesmen drawn from distant areas of North West Frontier Province, coming regularly in motor trucks, using the Mansehra-Muzaffarabad road and fully armed  with up-to-date weapons, cannot possibly be done without the knowledge  of the Provincial Government of North West Frontier Province  and the Government of Pakistan. Inspite of repeated appeals made by my Government no attempt has been made  to check these raiders or to stop them from coming  into my State. In fact, both radio and press of Pakistan have reported these  occurrences . Pakistan radio even put the story that a provisional government has been set up in Kashmir”….Regarding his people the Maharaja said, I quote :“ The people of my State, both Muslims and non Muslims , generally have taken no part at all…… “.With the conditions  obtaining at present  in my State and the great emergency of the situation as it exists, I have no option but to ask for help from India Dominion……. Naturally they can not send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the Dominion of India. I have accordingly decided to do so and I attach the Instrument of Accession for acceptance by your Government.” …” I may Inform your Excellency’s Government that it is my intention to at once set up an interim government and ask Sheikh Abdullah to carry the responsibilities  in this emergency with my Prime Minister. “
Lord Mountbatten also wrote  to Maharaja on 27 Oct1947:
Lord Mountbatten also wrote a letter dated  27 Oct 1947 to Hari Singh  acknowledging the Instrument of Accession  as signed by Hari Singh on 26 Oct 1947. This letter surely has left some vital questions unanswered. Even Jawahar Lal Nehru’s then Cabinet could be questioned for the same , I would say even Vallab Bhai Patel could be . The core of the letter is reproduced here for those who would like to join the discussion initiated by me.
Lord Montbatten said, I quote : “Your Highness’s letter dated 26 Oct 1947 has been delivered to me  by Mr. V.P.Menon. In the circumstances mentioned  by your Highness, my Government have decided  to accept the accession of Kashmir State to the Dominion of India. In consistent with their policy that in the case  of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided  in accordance with the wishes  of the people of the State, it is my Government’s wish that , as soon as the law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared  of the invader, the question of State’s accession should be settled  by a reference to the people. Meanwhile, in response  to Your Highness’s  appeal for military aid, action has been taken today to send troops of Indian Army to Kashmir, to help your own forces to defend your territory and to protect the lives, property and honour of your people. My Government and I note with satisfaction  that Your Highness has decided  to invite Sheikh Abdullah to form  an interim Government to work with your Prime Minister.”
2. It is a point here:
Maharaja in his letter of 26th Oct 1947  had said “The people of my State, both Muslims and non Muslims , generally have taken no part at all…. It is worth noting here that the letter from Mountbatten was dated 27 -10-1947 and by then neither the Maharaja nor Government of India had gone to UN / UN Security Council . India had made a complaint against Pakistan in Security Council on 1-1-1948. And so strangely on the on set itself { 27 Oct1947 } Lord Mountbatten  Governor General of India  did not accept the instrument of Accession dated 26-10-1947 as signed by Hari Singh in full and  Lord Mountbatten on behalf of his Government laid down the condition of  final settlement of the Accession by reference to the people and  he classified J&K State as a State where the issue of Accession was a dispute. In the circumstances as explained by Maharaja in his letter there was no reference of any dispute or resistance from the people of his State where as Mountbatten had written to Maharaja that,  “In the circumstances mentioned  by your Highness, my Government have decided  to accept the accession of Kashmir State to the Dominion of India. In consistent with their policy that in the case  of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided  in accordance with the wishes  of the people of the State, it is my Government’s wish that , as soon as the law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared  of the invader, the question of State’s accession should be settled  by a reference to the people”. Where as the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir who was the sole designated authority to assess the circumstances and requirements of his Princely State , after the lapse of British Paramountcy , had no where given any indication that there was a accountable objection to accession with India from his people as could over ride  Prince’s right for decision making as a Prince of State. The Maharaja had no where talked of any dispute regarding accession of J&K and involvement of people of Jammu and Kashmir State { even Kashmir Valley in particular , rather in Kashmir valley persons like +Mohd Maqbool Sherwani were tortured to death by invaders for offering resistance to their plans  } in the turmoil / emergency that prevailed in Jammu and Kashmir  in Oct 1947. [+Mohd Maqbool Sherwani : A civilian 19-year-old unsung hero, who laid down his life in 1947. Very very few people  outside Baramulla do in 2010 know about Mohd Maqbool Sherwani , how he died and what decisive role he played in saving Srinagar from falling to raiders / Pakistani raiders who attacked Kashmir. ..
Sherwani was a  boy of 19 who single-handedly thwarted the advance of thousands of raiders (Kabailis) from Baramulla , thereby giving some lead  time to the Indian Army to land in Srinagar. He went around on his bike telling the Kabailis, who stormed Baramulla on October 22, 1947, not to advance towards Srinagar as the Indian Army had reached the outskirts of Baramulla. His bluff worked. The enemy froze in its tracks for four days. By then, 1st Sikh had landed in Srinagar, on October 27 { now celebrated as Infantry Day }.
Later the tribals / Kabailies crucified him and shot dead. One  Ali Mohammed Bhat, recollected after 60 years  that  the Kabailis couldn’t digest that a young boy had fooled them. He had seen  a Kabaili on a motorcycle with an almost dead Sherwani slung across the petrol tank who was later was put on a wooden cross, nailed and fired upon 10-15 times. “Sherwani”  remained like that for two to three days and his  body was brought down when the Army reached the place. Army got time  to prepare for  the historic Battle of Shalateng, near Srinagar where over  700 raiders were killed.  As per Col Harwant Singh (Retd) who fought at Shalateng, Sherwani’s contribution changed the complexion of the 1947 operations tide in India’s favour. No doubt Acknowledging Sherwani’s contribution, the Army’s 19 Division has set up a community hall here in his memory at a cost of almost Rs 1 crore.
One  Francis Rath, an octogenarian Baramulla doctor, said, “I was on my way to Srinagar after the fighting was over. Vultures and dogs were feeding on the bodies of the Kabailis. Shalateng became their graveyard because of Sherwani…..The sacrifice of one  Master Abdul Aziz too was exemplary. The invaders who raped the nuns and wanted other non-Muslim women to be handed over to them, Master Abdul Aziz, a tailor by profession, held the holy Quran in his hand and said that they can touch the women only after they pass over his dead body and the holy Quran. The brutal killers did not spare him either.}+
Then why this condition of settlement of issue of accession by reference to the people and what was the basis for Government of India to call the issue of accession a dispute as regards J&K when Maharaja Hari Singh Bahadur in his letter dated 26 Oct 1947 had clearly informed that the people of his State ( J&K) , both muslims and non muslims, had taken no part at all {were not by and large involved in the disturbed conditions as prevailed in the State at time in view of the aggression from across the borders along with the newly created  Dominion of Pakistan }, remains unanswered.

Maharaja’s Accession Offer to India


Legal Document No 112
Text of letter dated October 26, 1947 from Sri Hari Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir to Lord Mountbatten the Governor-General of India.

My dear Lord Mountbatten,
I have to inform your Excellency that a grave emergency has arisen in my State and request immediate assistance of your Government.
As your Excellency is aware the State of Jammu and Kashmir has not acceded to the Dominion of India or to Pakistan. Geographically my State is contiguous to both the Dominions. It has vital economical end cultural links with both of them. Besides my State has a common boundary with the Soviet Republic and China. In their external relations and Dominion of India and Pakistan cannot ignore this fact.
I wanted to take time to decide to which Dominion I should accede, or whether it is not in the best interests of both the Dominions and my State to stand independent, of course with friendly and cordial relations with both.
I accordingly approached the Dominions of India and Pakistan to enter into Standstill Agreement with my State. The Pakistan Government accepted this Agreement. The Dominion of India desired further discussions with representatives of my Government. l could not arrange this in view of the developments indicated below. In fact the Pakistan Government are operating Post and Telegraph system inside the State.
Though we have got a Standstill Agreement with the Pakistan Government permitted steady and increasing strangulation of supplies like food, salt and petrol to my State.
Afridis, soldiers in plain clothes, and desperadoes with modern weapons have been allowed to infliter into the State at first in Poonch and then in Sialkot and finally in mass area adjoining Hazara District on the Ramkot side. The result has been that the limited number of troops at the disposal of the State had to be dispersed and thus had to face the enemy at the several points simultaneously, that it has become difficult to stop the wanton destruction of life and property and looting. The Mohara power-house which supplies the electric current to the whole of Srinagar has been burnt. The number of women who have been kidnapped and raped and makes my heart bleed. The wild forces thus let loose on the State are marching on with the aim of capturing Srinagar, the summer Capital of my Government, as first step to over running the whole State.
The mass infiltration tribesman drawn from the distant areas of the North-West Frontier coming regularly in motor trucks using Mansehra-Muzaffarabad Road and fully armed with up-to-date weapons cannot possibly be done without the knowing of the Provincial Government of the North-West Frontier Province and the Government of Pakistan. In spite of repeated requests made by my Government no attempt has been made to check these raiders or stop them from coming to my State. The Pakistan Radio even put out a story that a Provisional Government has been set up in Kashmir. The people of my State both the Muslims generally have taken no part at all.
With the conditions obtaining at present in my State and to great emergency of the situation as it exists, I hay” no option but to ask for help from the Indian Dominion. Naturally they cannot send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the Domination of India. I have accordingly decided to do so and I attach the Instrument of Accession for; acceptance by your Government. The other alternative is to leave my State and my people to fee-booters. On this basis no civilized Government can exist or be maintained. The alternative I will never allow to happen as long as I am Ruler of the State and I have life to defend my country.
I may also inform your Excellency’s Government that it is my intention at once to set up an interim Government and ask Shaikh Abdullah to carry the responsibilities in this emergency with my Prime Minister.
If my State has to be saved immediate assistance must be available at Srinagar. Mr. Menon is fully aware of the situation and he will explain to you, if further explanation is needed.
In haste and with kindest regards.
Yours Sincerely
Hari Singh
The Palace, Jammu
26th October, 1947.